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Written by: Erinne Goudot


“Menstrual blood is the only source of blood that is not traumatically induced.

Yet in modern society, this is the most hidden blood, the one so rarely spoken of

and almost never seen, except privately by women”, wrote American poet Judy

Grahn. A quote that seems to illustrate perfectly the taboo which surrounds

menstruation and that, therefore, leads one particular public health issue to be

critically underaddressed: period poverty.

Indeed, though access to proper supplies might seem like a fundamental right

for all menstruating women and girls, data shows that this issue does seriously

affect young girls, particularly those from low-income families or marginalised

communities, hindering their education, health, and overall well-being. This

article therefore aims to explain how harmful period poverty can be for teenage

girls as they grow up, and how urgent it is to actually find a way to guarantee

access to sufficient menstrual supplies for everyone menstruating.


What is period poverty?

“Period Poverty” is defined by the American Medical Women’s Association, as

“inadequate access to menstrual hygiene tools and education, including but not

limited to sanitary products, washing facilities and waste management.” 

A first challenge is the deplorable lack of research and data regarding period

poverty, leading this issue to be frequently minimised and forgotten about.

However, even statistics concerning only the United States of America seem

quite alarming, as it is reported that:


  • 16.9 million people who menstruate in the US are living in poverty.

  • 500 million people lack access to menstrual products and hygiene

facilities.

  • Two-thirds of the 16.9 million low-income women in the US could not

afford menstrual products in the past year, with a half of this needing to

choose between menstrual products and food.

  • 14.2 % of college menstruating people in the US had experienced period

poverty in the past year.

  • 10% of menstruating college students experience this monthly.

  • Tax on menstrual products in the US ranged from 4.7% to 10% in 2019.


These numbers alone are proof of how serious period poverty really is, and how

much it is needed that more research focuses on it on a global scale. There is,

however, already existing data that shows that the expensive price of menstrual

supplies in some countries, combined with the lack of structures (schools

included) providing free sanitary pads for schoolgirls makes it overly difficult

for teenagers to go through menstruation serenely as they should.


Cost of having a period:




Countries providing free menstrual products for schoolgirls:




It should be pointed out that, though period poverty exists everywhere, it still

affects disproportionately those who live in poorer countries or areas, putting

girls, their wellbeing and their future at risk, just because of their family’s social

condition. In Kenya alone for example, approximately 50% of school-age girls

do not have access to menstrual products, causing them to miss school days

during their period.


The consequences of period poverty:

The lack of access to menstrual supplies or education about menstruation comes

with various consequences making girls vulnerable and threatening their health

and happiness. The major ones are the ones listed below:


-->Education:

The inability for a girl to access proper supplies at the time she is menstruating

can be significatively disruptive of her education, possibly depriving her of

potential future opportunities. Indeed, it can lead to school absenteeism, as

teenagers may feel compelled to stay home during menstruation to avoid

embarrassment or discomfort. This disruption in education can impede

academic progress and exacerbate existing inequalities. One in 10 girls in Africa

miss school because they don’t have access to menstrual products, or because

there aren’t safe, private toilets to use at school. In Sub-Saharan Africa, some

girls will miss as much as 20% of their school year, resulting in a higher risk for

them to be forces into child marriage. In India, 40% of the girls surveyed do not

go to school when they have their period (source: JFamily community Med

report, 2018).


-->Psychological impact and social stigma:

Teenagers facing period poverty may experience feelings of shame,

embarrassment, and low self-esteem due to their inability to manage their

menstruation adequately. This can lead to mental health issues such as anxiety

and depression. In addition to that, stigmatisation surrounding menstruation can

further isolate teenagers experiencing period poverty. A survey conducted by

Plan International UK found that nearly half of girls in the United Kingdom felt

embarrassed by their periods, with 71% admitting to hiding their sanitary

products at school due to shame or stigma.

Across the world, over 500 million girls and women have no access to sanitary

protection at all. Cultural taboos and societal norms may prevent them from

seeking help or discussing their menstrual health concerns openly.openly. In some countries, they are therefore forced to use tea towels, sheets, newspaper, pieces of mattresses or even mud. Hygienic and infection risks are considerable

(source: Unicef and WHO 2015).


-->Health risks:

Inadequate menstrual hygiene management due to the inability to afford

sanitary products can lead to health risks such as urinary tract infections,

reproductive tract infections, and skin irritation, caused by the use of

inappropriate supplies as the ones mentioned above. Lack of access to clean

water and sanitation facilities exacerbates these risks. Economic barriers

associated with period poverty may discourage individuals from seeking timely

medical care for menstrual health issues or related complications. Delayed

treatment can exacerbate existing health conditions and lead to more severe

complications over time.

In Kenya, girls have even engaged in transactional sex with older men to be

able to obtain the items they need. Many of them were unaware of the high risk

of getting a sexually transmitted disease they were put at.


Menstrual health: what can be done?

According to the WHO/UNICEF Joint Monitoring Programme 2012, menstrual

hygiene management is defined as: 


Women and adolescent girls are using a clean menstrual management material

to absorb or collect menstrual blood, that can be changed in privacy as often as

necessary, using soap and water for washing the body as required, and having

access to safe and convenient facilities to dispose of used menstrual

management materials. They understand the basic facts linked to the menstrual

cycle and how to manage it with dignity and without discomfort or fear.” 


The Global Menstrual Collective made proposals that aim to guide institutions

that are willing to act in reducing period poverty:


1. Start and support initiatives that promote access to menstruation products

and information about menstruation, changes, and hygiene practices.

2. Providing facilities that enable menstruating people to care for

themselves during menstruation ensures access to water, sanitation, and

waste services.

3. Accord women and girls the opportunity to receive a diagnosis for

menstrual cycle disorders and access health care.

4. Ensure a positive and supportive environment that allows menstruating

people to participate in all aspects of life, going to school and work, sport.

5. Invite people engaged in addressing period poverty to give talks and

normalise menstruation.

6. Employ zero tolerance to dirty jokes about menstruation.


Those steps are all crucial in order to permit young girls (as well as every

person who menstruates) to navigate safely through their period, and not endure

stigmatisation and health issues because of it. It is as well primordial that

menstruation does not refrain young girls from attending school normally;

period, being a natural part of every girl’s life, should not deprive them from

what’s most important for their future: education.

UNICEF therefore commits to building programmes for adolescent girls,

women, transgender and non-binary individuals to manage their menstruation

safely and with dignity, aiming for them to overcome obstacles to their health,

freedom and development.


Sources:

Plan International UK, et al. « Let’s Talk. Period ». Plan International UK, 31

octobre 2018.

Managing Menstruation with Dignity | UNICEF South Asia.

« Menstrual Health and Hygiene ». World Bank.

Period Poverty | ActionAid UK.

« Why Periods? » Days for Girls International.

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Written by: Eda Ersar


Source: Medium: "February 6 Earthquake: Turkey’s Confrontation with a New Disaster"

Let’s take a moment to remember and take lessons from the earthquake that struck South East Turkey and Syria a year ago during this month, on the 6th of February in more than ten cities in the region. This article will be focusing on the experience of the Turkish population due to personal experiences while respecting the Syrian experience and wishing for a smooth and rapid recovery under the challenge of the ongoing decade old conflict. 


The consecutive earthquakes with magnitudes of 7,7 and 7,6 that the epicenter was located in the provinces of Pazarcık and Elbistan in the city of Kahramanmaraş in Turkey resulted in the death of more than fifty-five thousand individuals and heavily blessing of more than hundred thousand according to official national numbers.The minister of Interior Affairs, Yerlikaya shared with public that more than thirty five thousand buildings collapsed and more than fourteen million people had their lives impacted directly over the span of nine hours, starting at 4 a.m. in the morning to finally ending at 1:30 p.m.Currently, approximately seven hundred thousand victims live in more than four hundred containers established in the region, still facing the problem of access to vital resources and services. 

The two earthquakes marked the history of Turkey by being the earthquakes that resulted in the highest number of deaths, the biggest destruction of cities and that impacted the largest area, while the Turkish government took seventy-two hours to intervene in the region following the two earthquakes, a dramatic level of delay causing unrecoverable damage.Throughout the article, we will discuss the impacts of the region’s destruction on children in psychological and social dimensions while doing our best to remain optimistic by highlighting the initiatives for the recovery of children. 


Source: Working for the Future of Amateur Radio: Türkiye Earthquake 6/ February/ 2023


To understand better the importance of the policy and decision making mechanisms regarding natural disasters that do not always tend to be a shocker, we have to dig in deeper in the context of the earthquake and more specifically in the national experience of the earthquake in Turkey.


Firstly, what differentiates earthquakes from other types of natural disasters that appear at an unexpected moment and lead to destruction is the fact that earthquakes do not take place as a momentary or once at a lifetime catastrophe impossible to predict.Precisely, certain regions of the world live with earthquakes as a part of their geographical and tectonic reality while expecting it at any time. In that sense, 98% of the population in Turkey lives in "earthquake regions”. As a result, the majority of the population is at risk of facing an earthquake at any time. Yet, such a dangerous reality does not translate into systematic preparation, prevention and risk assessment policies regarding natural disasters in the country. 


While it is not the earthquake itself that kills but the infrastructural and social policies that kill, as reclaimed multiple times by Turkish opposition actors during the period of the earthquake, the impacts of earthquakes are not limited to momentarily urgent problems and they tend to have long-term negative consequences on varied social and economic groups.In simpler terms, everyone is impacted by earthquakes in one way or another and for more than the moment of the earthquake, as demonstrated by the 2023 earthquake in Turkey that highlighted the fragility and lack of preparation against earthquakes on individual, social and administrative levels, leading to urgent and long-term problems. 

While we can agree that all social, economic and cultural groups are affected by earthquakes, children remain as one of the groups that are affected the most. Both children who directly experience the earthquake and those who hear about it are affected on different levels while their reactions can vary depending on their development stages, the reactions of the families, the degree of loss, the family dynamics and the psycho-social support.The reactions that the earthquake can provoke vary due to individual and social factors as enumerated, yet certain general tendencies are observable within different groups of children such as the feeling of helplessness, anxiety, denial, distrust and worry on the psychological level and sleep disturbances, nausea and eating disorders on the physical level (Aral, 2023), all having an impact on the future path of children from all groups. 


To sum up the reactions that children give against earthquakes, we can rely on four processes which can be categorized as choc, emotional intensity, grief and healing.

The first reaction that children give when experiencing an earthquake is the psychological choc that can last up to 24 hours, detectable with the symptoms of lack of concentration, problems of memory, hallucinations, solidification or other physiologic reactions (Kukuoğlu, 2018). The second reaction, emotional intensity, which can take place two or six days following the first reaction can be characterized by extreme anger, fear and lack of trust towards oneself and the surrounding environment (Özkan ve Çetinkaya Kutun, 2021). The third reaction is qualified as the realization of the events, with the general tendencies of the desire not to know what happened and ignorance.The fourth and final reaction is considered to be the the healing process during which the event is accepted, daily activities are resumed, resistance decreases, and a state of calm and well-being is achieved (Kukuoğlu, 2018).While these are the main psychological processes that children go through during the experience of an earthquake, they are further impacted on different aspects regarding socialization and education, with long term effects beyond physiological problems. 



Source: Le Monde, "Earthquake in Turkey and Syria: 'We hear people screaming but we can't do anything"
Source: Le Monde, "Earthquake in Turkey and Syria: 'We hear people screaming but we can't do anything"


The experience of an earthquake shapes a child’s world drastically by being a total destruction in different dimensions: destruction of the family, the surrounding and the environment in which the child is situated, the social habits and routines, education and access to vital services and resources. The earthquake of 2023 in Turkey was no exception in being a total destruction, eleven cities and buildings varying from historical monuments to residences were destroyed, families were left homeless; they couldn't access basic services such as clean water, education, and medical care while it was impossible to follow the regular social routines.Within such a case of total destruction, humanitarian assistance was provided to the affected individuals in the region by local, national and international humanitarian aid programs and initiatives completing the vital tasks that the national authorities’ actions lacked.However, humanitarian action has its limits and couldn’t prevent the damage of the consecutive earthquakes that fragilized the political and economic structures in Turkey that were already hanging on a threat, as the country has been facing one of the most serious economic dead-ends in its history and the government has been witnessing its power shaking within the upcoming elections and the increasing undemocratic decisions that face growing criticism both on national and international dimensions.Again, the bill of fragile political and economic systems shaking even more due to a natural disaster was paid by the well-being of children. 


Considering the preeminent role of the rapid and international circulation of news and media that characterizes our modern society, an important phenomenon that impacted the well-being of children beyond the psychological complications and the fragility of economic and political structures was the expression of the earthquake by medias and economies worldwide, under the lens of capitalist motives. More precisely, we observed in this case that different medias and economies strategized the series of events since the 6th of February by using earthquake footages without subjecting it to any censorship or scrutiny in order to increase their viewings and to create a loyal audience or by using pictures of children without consent to propose new designs and increase their sells.In order to achieve this effect, the marketing and media strategies were focused on provoking agitation in society by using photographs and illustrations of earthquake victims, mainly of children as the most touching public face, playing on the feeling of trauma and sensibility around the country.Eventually, we can qualify such financial strategies as emotional exploitation towards individuals experiencing the earthquake, especially children. 



Source: FISA Çocuk Hakları Merkezi:" 6 Şubat depremlerinde kaç çocuk yaşamını yitirdi?"


After going through both personal and social trauma, recovery for children is a challenge considering the fragile economic and political structures in the country.Yet, the recovery is not an impossibility. In that sense, the local and national initiatives are focusing on building  a new conception of the “normal” for children while trying to ensure its harmony with the previous routines of life.In order to do so, both governmental and independent initiatives rely mainly on the continuation of school life and the implementation of social and sportive activities increasing children’s responsibilities on tasks that give them a higher sense of control over their lives.An important source of expression and recovery for children throughout these activities has been games no matter the age groupe.Games that favor a symbolic expression of their experience and feelings are being used as sources of therapy and recovery ensuring a smoother passage to a new normal.Besides the social, cultural and sportive activities based on games that heal the wounded young souls, the support of school and society remains crucial for children’s recovery.A comprehensive return to school is a fundamental step for children not only in terms of distancing them from the ambiance of chaos but also for ensuring their right to education in an understanding and easygoing environment, as education is fundamental for a child’s path and remains as one of the main elements that deserves the most attention throughout the recovery process after a natural disaster. 


Independent local and national initiatives have been developed with the objective of reinforcing the recovery of school life besides the policies of the Ministry of National Education. Firstly, the Ministry of National Education (MEB) established a crisis desk to ensure the coordination of efforts following the earthquake. In the crisis desks in the provinces, in addition to the general directors and department heads of the MEB, some provincial directors of national education from provinces unaffected by the earthquake were assigned in order to reinforce the return to school while respecting the traumatic experience of local education officials.Furthermore, MEB made the choice to postpone the second semester of the 2022-23 academic year nationwide knowing that the whole territory was impacted by the series of events since the earthquake, and the mid-term break was extended by two weeks with the goal of giving families and students more time to recover. MEB did not limit its recovery time policy to the break and proposed different starting dates to the students in the earthquake zone unlike those in the seventy-one cities outside of the region.


Precisely, based on the extent of the impact of the earthquake in ten provinces, three separate categories were established to determine the starting date and new education locations. In these provinces, it was decided to transition to education on a district and school basis according to the integrity reports of the school buildings: Unlike the rest of the country who went back to classrooms on the 20th of February, the first category began education on March 1st, the second category on March 13th, and the third category started on March 27th, while buildings were still being awaited to be opened as the remaining educational buildings such are the vocational education practice hotels, teacher houses, and vocational high schools were transformed into service points using the mobile kitchen infrastructure they contained while these service points were also used to provide tents, sleeping bags, stoves, and blankets. 


Independent initiatives working for the recovery of education in the region considered the decisions of postponing the starting dates and transforming educational buildings into service points as efforts to be completed.For these independent humanitarian actors, the key to a safe and harmonious return to school had to go beyond dates and buildings and it is related to the very core of the national education policies. In that sense, independent initiatives have been focusing on ensuring a safe and comprehensive return to school in every step of disaster management regarding its impacts on children and education.In order to do so, these initiatives focus not only on monitoring the effects of the earthquake on education policies and practices put in place, but also on joint monitoring efforts in the civil sector from a supportive and solidaire standpoint.Within these efforts, consideration is given to the roles education can play in the recovery process after disasters, as well as the roles it should assume in preventing future disasters and/or mitigating their impacts. In that sense, these initiatives emphasize that interventions following earthquakes should take into account pre-existing chronic problems and the needs of vulnerable groups. Additionally, the need to strengthen the child protection system, of which education services are an important component, is underscored.


At the end of the day, despite the different positions on the political spectrum, disagreements and regional differences, the Turkish population has been united for children, their most vulnerable yet precious, and does not hesitate to express their views in order to improve the existing system and to engage to make sure that action is taken when it comes to offering children the best of the educational, economic, social and cultural environment…



Sources 







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Written by: Lise Thorsen and Vanessa Lolomari


In this day and age, we have yet to tackle societies’ lack of understanding of the specific nature of women’s oppression. The destructive nature of power and the methods in which it is abused by patriarchal hegemony means that women become susceptible to forms of gender-based violence, including but not limited to intimate partner violence (IPV).

Intimate partner violence is a “serious global public health problem and a grave human rights violation,” (Sardinha et al., 2022), with WHO (2021) indicating that 1 in 3 women worldwide has been “subjected to either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence in their lifetime.” Most considerably, research has highlighted higher rates of intimate partner violence amongst developing, non-western countries, with central sub-Saharan Africa having a lifetime IPV prevalence estimate at 44% and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) having a lifetime IPV prevalence estimate at 31%. This is in stark contrast to high-income, developed regions such as North America with an IPV prevalence estimate at 25%, and Western Europe with an IPV estimate at 20% (Sardinha et al., 2022).


From a cultural perspective, it has been cited that IPV is somewhat “expected” in Middle Eastern societies, with most societies in the region retaining “rigid gender stratification systems” (Granlund, 2014). Cultural and social stigma is thereby associated with reporting IPV (Moshtagh et al. 2021). This “cultural norm” in the MENA region may be characterised by institutionalised gender inequality as a result of legal and political systems grounded in religious texts. The result is a lack of female political and economic participation, discriminatory legal codes, and legal impunity for violence against women and girls (Elghossain et al., 2019). Jordan is notable amongst the MENA countries classified as a part of the “patriarchal belt.” Despite “Jordan’s continuous commitment to human rights and gender equity through ratifying international conventions, providing equal opportunities and developing programs related to women’s empowerment, gender gaps still exist in different socio-economic spheres of the Jordanian society.” Further, the status quo of male authority and power is still remnant in Jordanian society (Daoud, 2018). These gender gaps are notably heightened in the refugee sphere of Jordanian society.


Refugee women in camp spaces are both suffering from living in precarious conditions, and from physical, sexual or emotional abuse. The women present in the camps, being commonly engaged in early marriage, evidently increases their exposure to IPV. Surrounding children become raised in a hostile environment, in which a cycle of violence and abuse become the norm. Without health insurance, the probability of consulting a psychologist is limited due to the poor socioeconomic status of the participants and the expenses needed for such consultation. Coping mechanisms range from approaching God in a search of peace and mental sanity, to searching for counselling help. Yet instances arise in which victims fail to report the abuse because of fear of retaliation and having next to no power to incite change within the family structure, especially in camp spaces. Following a Gramscian avenue of thought, these difficulties are enhanced as women become more submissive and controlled by a male-oriented society.


Applying a sociological approach to gender relations, gender relations are “strongly influenced by contexts and therefore also the changing contexts of coexistence” (Krause et al, 2015). Forced displacement impacts this socialisation process needed to develop gender relations, and thus the opportunity for women to break gender norms when forcibly displaced is limited. Since the development of refugee camps by the UNHCR in 1980, they have become a “prevailing form of shelter structures for refugees” (Krause et al, 2015). Nonetheless, for female refugees, this shelter structure is impeded by physical violence within camp spaces.


If one applies Marxist-feminist thought, we observe that in camp spaces, women are found to preoccupy positions where they no longer have control over their destiny. “Refugee camps and settlements constitute a post-conflict environment in which changes in gender relations are particularly manifested” (Krause et al, 2015). These changes include the restriction and the inability of women to change the situation they have been placed in. The symptom is an engulfing cycle of IPV. Thus, the relevancy of analysing IPV in camp spaces stems from the spaces’ role in reinforcing traditional gender relations and the subsequent patriarchal society present in the MENA region.


Sources:


Daoud, N. (2018). Debating the Role of Patriarchy in the Incidence of Gender-based Violence in Jordan – Systematic Review of the Literature. 8th International Conference on Languages, Education, Humanities and Social Sciences. https://doi.org/10.17758/EIRAI1.F0318402


Krause, S., Williams, H., Onyango, M.A. et al. Reproductive health services for Syrian refugees in Zaatri Camp and Irbid City, Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan: an evaluation of the Minimum Initial Services Package. Confl Health 9 (Suppl 1), S4 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1186/1752-1505-9-S1-S4


Sardinha, L., Maheu-Giroux, M., Stöckl, H., Meyer, S. R., & García-Moreno, C. (2022). Global, regional, and national prevalence estimates of physical or sexual, or both, intimate partner violence against women in 2018. The Lancet, 399(10327), 803–813. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(21)02664-7



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